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Home https://server7.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/smyrwpoii/p2/ US https://server7.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/smyrwpoii/p2/ Behind the scenes: How four veteran lawmakers saved the budget deal and avoided a second shutdown

Behind the scenes: How four veteran lawmakers saved the budget deal and avoided a second shutdown

Now, sitting in his Capitol Hill office Wednesday night, with a deal officially in hand, it was up to Shelby to brief President Donald Trump. First though, "We needed a liquid," Shelby recounted later with a chuckle. "We did not have much, but we tried to get some."

Still, as he walked through key parts of the deal, the veteran Alabama senator could not bring himself to ask the one question everyone in Washington wanted an answer to: Would Trump sign it? "I did not know what to ask him," Shelby said. "Richard Shelby ” data-src-mini=”//cdn.cnn.com/cnnnext/dam/assets/141031133106-richard-shelby-pp-hp-video.jpg” data-src-xsmall=”//cdn.cnn.com/cnnnext/dam/assets/1

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The next day, Shelby's reluctance to get a firm answer from Trump left Republicans in limbo. As the full details of the 1,169-page package went public, the White House started to come from the House that Trump was considering a veto. Some of his advisers, he said, were urging him to reject the deal and push for a stop-gap measure instead – something most Senate Republicans deeply opposed.

For hours, the Republican Conference was on pins and needles, worried that the whole effort to avoid a second government shutdown would fall apart at the last minute. And if the polling was right, the GOP was liable to take most of the blame, not the Democrats.

Then, at 3 PM, Trump called Shelby. "I said," Mr. President. " And he said, 'I'm on board.' "

About 30 minutes later, the Senate began voting on the bill, sending it to eventual passage in the House and bringing an end to nine of the most excruciating weeks of Washington paralysis in modern history. The Vice President Mike Pence and Jared Kushner, the president's son-in-law and senior advisor, had attempted. The story of how it ended was not one of the high-ranking White House officials coming to the Hill and striking a grand deal. Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell are negotiating heads-to-head.

Instead, the crisis has been resolved the way spending impasses are supposed to be: with the top appropriators working behind the scenes to hammer out and deal. The credit, according to aides and lawmakers in both parties, belongs to four veteran lawmakers, two Democrats and two Republicans, two men and two women, all of whom are well past 70 years old and who together have more than 130 years of combined experience

 Shelby, Granger, Leahy, Lowey

Shelby, Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont, New York Rep. Nita Lowey, and Texas Rep. Kay Granger – these are the top four appropriators in the Congress. The youngest among them, Granger, is 76; the oldest, Shelby, is 84. In the crafting of a deal that for weeks seemed impossible, these four lawmakers were able to avoid a second shutdown and prove that, if only for the briefest of moments, Congress can still function

Slow start

When President Trump announced the end of the government shutdown on Jan. 25, he gave Congress three weeks to reach a broader agreement on border security. The odds did not look good. As much as any issue, the border wall has created a visceral rift between the parties.
 Trump concedes to temporarily end shutdown - without wall financing

Senate Republicans were getting exasperated in closed-door conference meetings. Their agenda was stalled. There was no strategy from the White House, they complained. The President's relentless, obsessive push for $ 5.7 billion in a Congress with one chamber controlled by Democrats was, in words of one GOP senator: "delusional."

"We want to support him. But he can not just turn around and hang us out to dry, "the senator, who declined to go on the record for fear of facing backlash from Trump, told CNN

Across the Capitol, the new Democratic majority in the House had its own agenda, which for some of the newest members of the Caucus included blocking Trump at every turn. Some former Democrats, and a dollar of funding for Trump's border wall, were too much

The party leaders were not much help either. Trump and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was hardly on speaking terms, while Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell had reached a point "beyond frustration," according to one person who spoke with him regularly.

"We're praying for you."

The shutdown of the debacle had clogged its relentless push to move through nominations – in particular, ] Early on, it became clear that the only way a deal could get hit was to leave the negotiations up to the four veteran appropriators and give them space to work. McConnell, in conversations with Trump, urged him not to interfere, according to two people familiar with the discussions. Meanwhile, Pelosi stayed in regular contact with Lowey, but she took pains not to put her thumb on the scale.

"We're praying for you," McConnell told Shelby in a closed-door meeting with Senate Republican committee chairs as the negotiators started their work in late January, according to one meeting attendee.

The four negotiators made quick progress, moving from opening bids that were non-starters to closing out a series of issues to get the bill within range of possible completion a week before a shutdown. It helped that Shelby and Leahy were friends. The two are traveling together with their wives and have built one of the most productive work-relationships on the Hill. Last year, they have spent more than one Republican-Democratic duo in the past three decades.

 Kay Granger, left, with Nita Lowey

Lowey and Granger are also close and, according to aides, have mutual respect and trust for each other. California Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard, a member of the conference and a top homeland security negotiator for House Democrats, joined the quartet and played a key role in grinding through the early issues, and Democratic aide said

By Friday, Feb. 8, a week before the shutdown deadline, the group seemed to be within the striking distance of a deal. [19659906]

Detention beds and poison pills

Attention were detention beds for undocumented immigrants detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. While Democrats wanted to expand their number, the Democrats wanted to significantly reduce and detain the total number of detention beds, especially those reserved for undocumented immigrants, in the US, as opposed to the southern border. Democrats saw it as a way to hamstring the administration's efforts to detain and prosecute undocumented immigrants.

The Democrats were serious about it and largely ignored the idea.

On Saturday morning, just six days from the shutdown deadline, Democratic staffers made it clear they were serious about capping detention beds and refused to budge. GOP staffers were stunned. Shelby told his staff to walk away, which they did during a curt, a 10-minute meeting between Republican and Democratic staff in the Capitol that afternoon.

Lowey called Shelby later in the day and urged him to come back to the table. The detention bed was a non-starter, Shelby told her. Lowey then called Leahy and asked him to reach out to his friend, which he did not use.

He delivered the message publicly the next day on Fox News Sunday. "I think talks are stalled right now," Shelby told anchor Chris Wallace. "We have some problems with the Democrats dealing with ICE, that is detaining criminals who come to the US and they want a cap on them."

By Monday morning, Feb . 11, McConnell was on the Senate floor calling the Democratic proposal a "poison pill." Staffers in both parties started working on backup options to keep the government open. Early that afternoon, after a weekend of calls between Democratic conferees and leaders, Pelosi called Roybal-Allard and Lowey from the West Coast, where she was waiting to board a plane back to Washington, and told them it was time to give up the hardline on detention beds. It was a battle that was not winnable. There were other ways to tie Trump's hands on immigration enforcement.

Back on track

The group of four negotiators agreed to meet at 3:30 that afternoon, and when Lowey walked in, she made it clear the cap on detention beds was off the table. Suddenly, the tensions and the staffs got back together to continue working on a possible deal behind the scenes, even as dread seemed to consume the Capitol.

"Honestly, most of us thought it was dead at that point," one House Democratic lawmaker recalled. "What we all had predicted would happen had just happened."

That evening, the group met again, this time in Leah's Capitol Building, an office with sweeping views of the National Mall – the kind that comes with being the fifth-longest serving senator in the chamber's history. As they sat down, Leahy made clear that it was up to them to strike a deal. Shelby said they would not leave until a deal was finalized – even if it meant staying there all night.

Within 30 minutes, they were basically done, having agreed to the topline numbers, multiple aides said. The group broke with Lowey and Granger could vote in the House. They would reunite at 8 pm

Lowey, however, had not settled one thing: the final number for the border barriers. The group had tentatively agreed to $ 1.45 billion. But Lowey wanted to see if she could reduce it by $ 75 million. She told her staff that if Republicans balked, she was ready to make a show of storming out.

Walking back to Leahy's hideaway, Lowey told Shelby that to ensure Democratic votes would be there in the House, most she could agree to would be $ 1.375 billion for border barriers. Anything more would be a deal-breaker. Shelby signed off, and Lowey did not have to storm out after all.

Within 90 minutes, they had a deal in principle to announce. "If the four of us could not get together, this Congress could never," Leahy said later. "But we've gotten it together."

House Democrats told their homeland security staffers to go home, since most of them had hardly slept for days. They need to be fresh for the final push of putting the actual pen to paper to draft the agreement.

Shelby sells Trump

Shelby now faced the unenviable task of selling the deal to the President. Not only was Trump unhappy with it, but conservative talking heads and pundits were outraged. Sean Hannity called it "garbage," Ann Coulter, tweeted, "We thought Trump was going to be different," and Fox News Anchor Laura Ingraham called the bill a "total scam" and urged the President not to sign it

Shelby kept in regular contact with Trump, walking through the details and encouraging him to think of the deal as "down payment." Shelby also highlighted a topline figure that had been pulled together by staff, $ 22.5 billion – which covered the entirety of border security spending in the bill. It had the desired effect. Trump tweeted positively shortly after a phone call with Shelby – and explicitly cited the "23 billion" number.

Shelby and McConnell were also careful not to ask Trump for a commitment to sign the bill. While that gave the President space to make a decision, it led to uncertainty among Republican lawmakers. By Thursday, it was clear there were issues inside the White House.

While most White House officials urged Trump to accept the deal, according to administration officials, a handful of immigration hardliners were raising significant concern. The deal as it was written, they argued, bound the President's hands and would undercut his immigration policy and authority. At one point, acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney suggested a short-term financing bill to send negotiators back to the table.

McConnell seals the deal

This was exactly the situation McConnell had worked to avoid. Trump, in particular, was worried that the bill would restrict his ability to move money around for border barriers. As GOP congressional staff continued to walk through the White House staff through the in-and-outs of the final bill, McConnell stayed in regular touch with Trump – talking to

For weeks, McConnell had tried to explain to Trump that an emergency declaration could create big problems for Republican senators, many of whom opposed the move on constitutional and precedent grounds. The Congress has the ability to block an emergency declaration, and if the Republicans defect, Trump could have vetoed his fight

But none of that mattered to Trump, and as the clock ticked down Thursday afternoon, McConnell eventually clinched his support by doing something he knew could have severe repercussions for his conference: he told his President that he would back his plan to declare a national emergency

 Trump declares national emergency to fund the wall

"It was a trade off," said one Republican official familiar with the final call with Trump. McConnell wasted no time lock in the deal, going straight to the Senate floor, interrupting a colleague and announcing to the public that the President would sign the bill.

Asked about the final call, McConnell made clear the goal was simple: find a way to get it done – and finally put an end to 57 days of government funding drama.

"We talked about the bill," McConnell said with his typical matter of factness. "

Crisis averted

By the next day, Trump was signing the bill and holding a rambling press conference in the Rose Garden in which he defended his right to declare a national emergency. For the first time since December, the funding battle and shutdown crisis were off the table.