But Trump is challenging, even when floating ideas to stimulate growth: "Our economy is incredible," the president said Tuesday. "We are currently the number one country in the world as an economy."
Trump responds to such shocks in a typical style, ruthlessly expanding his powers of political magnetism to awaken a blizzard of bravado.
"Under my administration, we fight back and win because we really put America first," Trump said last week in a speech in swing state Pennsylvania.  "After years of building foreign countries, we are finally building our country," he said.
But the suicide of the President cannot be disguised as a sudden confrontation with challenges that could shrink his hopes of securing another four years as commander in chief. They are a reminder that, because of all their power and visibility, presidents are highly vulnerable to external events.
Their ability to mitigate damage from situations they have little control over and shape them into an appeal that can calm and attract voters often holds the key to their fate.
One of the reasons Trump may be particularly at risk is that he has little room for error in 2020. His perpetual approval rating in the low 40% range makes him vulnerable to shocks. His unsuccessful claims of greater success than any other current president mean that his failures clearly run counter to his political move.
The gathering clouds raise questions about Trump himself and whether he will change course to improve his political prospects ̵
Can Trump again confuse the odds?
Any impression that America and the world are spinning out of control, thanks in part to the president's capricious impulses, would usually be called a disaster for the White House's first term.
Still, there is a possibility that Trump could be different.
His governing model is based on the rotating chaos from which he often thrives on his own, and in which he becomes an elusive enemy capable of surviving, a blow that overthrows normal politicians.
The Trump presidency may seem like an inconsistent mess and an extraordinary exercise to break some of America's most yawning political, social, and racial traits for personal gain.
But for some of his most loyal voters, strife and frustration, exposure of foreign allies, and abuse of power are grabbing at Exactly why Washington voted for him.
And even if the economy is corroding, Trump may have already kept enough promises – from conservative judicial transformation to his refusal to go home in W
Still, if hesitant independent voters and moderate Republicans fear their security or prosperity, probably from events originating abroad, Trump's prospects may be detrimental.
These voters can also be alienated. from white nationalist rhetoric, the fervent tone of immigration and the condemnation of globalization endorsed by Trump.
But this approach also reinforces his almost mythical connection to rural America, which was a critical factor in his strain, albeit in the Midwestern swing countries in 2016.  And as the challenges are increasing, he is not yet it is clear whether they can irreversibly harm his campaign or whether his unorthodox Machiavellian talent for creating alternative political realities while destroying his opponents will be as powerful in 2020 as in 2016.
] Steel redundancies exacerbate fear veterina of the economy
Almost every day brings signs that the US economy, despite historically low unemployment and stable net consumer demand is now exposed to greater risk than at any time since the Great Recession.
On Tuesday, US Steel stated that it was temporarily laying off 200 steel workers in Michigan amid slowing demand in Europe and in the US manufacturing industry.
This move was particularly symbolic, as Trump's promises to revive American factories helped him win the Democratic Bastion in 2016. And that was bad with the president's assertion last week that "our steel mills are firing and blazing brightly." .
Trump said Tuesday that the term recession is "inappropriate." a word used by the media to cause him political trouble. But taking a contradictory stance, he also said he was considering tax cuts and required a full reduction in interest rates from the Federal Reserve to stimulate an economy that is already pointing to large-scale tax processing. Such steps are usually discussed by governments in the darkest hours of the recession – not when the economy is as strong as it is now.
There are also new indications that Trump's protectionist trade instincts not only hurt the economy, but may also rebound against his political aspirations.
But despite its new assertion on Tuesday that China is desperate for a deal, it looks like Beijing is running a longer clock than the one running until the November 2020 elections.
ISIS is back
But the Pentagon's Inspector General's report published in on Tuesday, questioned that confidence, finding that despite his expulsion from his "caliphate" from America ski and allied attacks, the group invaded Iraq and Syria after the withdrawal of troops Trump.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo suggested potentially opening the Democrats, acknowledging on Tuesday that there were "places where ISIS is more powerful today than they were three or four years ago," though they insisted the picture was "complicated."
Some presidents could respond to such an assessment by diving into a strategic review. But such a move would force Trump to admit that he resold his achievements in the victory against ISIS – and could hurt his cause in 2020.
Boiling tensions with Iran after Trump abandons Obama's nuclear pact, suggests bill is due foreign policy often seems pensive to to satisfy his political priorities.
Trump critics, however, warn that US departure may be wasted the victims of more than 3,500 US and coalition troops.
A suicide bombing in a weekend in Kabul that killed 63 people and was claimed by ISIS and expressed fears that Afghanistan could once again become a haven for terrorist groups.
But this may not be very important in a domestic political context. America has shown in the last three presidential elections that it is tired of foreign entanglements, a mood that Trump played when discussing peace talks on Tuesday.
He stated that Afghanistan appears to be the "Harvard University of Terrorism," but added: "We have been peacekeepers there, in a sense, for 19 years, and at some point you have to say it's long enough."